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Author Topic: Poodle Play  (Read 2149 times)
Ian Pace
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« Reply #60 on: 09:21:47, 10-05-2007 »

try taking non-polemical stuff on demos! Wink )

You never know, it might change more minds than just 'having a demo' always assuming that is the object of the exercise Smiley     

Almost certainly would be ignored if not punchy and eye-catching (on a demo - and Ben and Esther's polemic on Shadowtime was written for a demo outside ENO). A compromise, I know, but sometimes a necessary one.

When we could sing 'You can stick your war for oil up our a**e' in large numbers on that famed Saturday back in 2003, it somehow had more of a ring to it than if we'd read out a detailed critique of government policy en masse, don't you reckon? Wink
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Ian Pace
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« Reply #61 on: 09:32:01, 10-05-2007 »

Might it be more accurate to say that Ben is misappropriating Benjamin by making him more of a Marxist thinker than he arguably was?

That's what I was saying! I see Benjamin quite apart (as he de facto was) from the "Frankfurt School".

Sure (one of the key works on the Frankfurt School in English, Susan Buck-Morss's The Origins of Negative Dialectics, enlists Benjamin as a type of associate member, but that doesn't seem such a convincing argument). My point was that, when you say that Ben and Esther were making Benjamin into a 'purely political thinker', wondering whether 'political' becomes synonymous with 'leftist'? I don't really go with the notion of 'political thought' as a separate category (nor 'political art').
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
quartertone
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« Reply #62 on: 09:45:01, 10-05-2007 »

I am making one simple point that he is in his rights to write a history of free improvisation in which Parker does not play a central part

Now correct me if I'm wrong, as I don't have the book and know very little about British impro history, but if it's about Derek Bailey's life and work, it seems rather wilful to omit someone he collaborated with so importantly. And if he claims Bailey did x or y himself, whereas it was with Parker (just guessing here), that would indeed be a distortion of fact.
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George Garnett
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« Reply #63 on: 10:01:23, 10-05-2007 »

When we could sing 'You can stick your war for oil up [y? Cheesy]our a**e' in large numbers on that famed Saturday back in 2003, it somehow had more of a ring to it than if we'd read out a detailed critique of government policy en masse, don't you reckon? Wink

Well, um, since you ask, I was questioning it actually if the object was to change things but let's not go there. It'll only end in tears.   
« Last Edit: 19:27:53, 07-09-2007 by George Garnett » Logged
xyzzzz__
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« Reply #64 on: 10:28:36, 10-05-2007 »

Ben's bk wasn't even an attempt at a history of free improvisation, or anything definite like that. I know that it says 'history' so on the cover, but I don't think anyone went into this book expecting BW to turn into a historian or even to try to show some journalistic chops in trying to investigate and connect the lines between musicians/events/timelines/arguments. Nah, a pick-and-mix is easier, less time-consuming, probably the sane option. Must've been quite some effort to get it published in the first place.

"Ben is providing a very different history of free improvisation from that which I imagine you or some others would write - I'd be interested to read several and make my own mind up (but would hate the idea that only one canon is possible on a subject still so little written about). I am making one simple point that he is in his rights to write a history of free improvisation in which Parker does not play a central part, just as Griffiths is in his rights to write one of post-1945 music in which Britten does not play a central part (or someone else would be in which post-war serialism does not, on account of its never having achieved a wide audience). I don't believe firm and unequivocal conclusions should be taken for granted on these subjects, at least not yet."

I suppose everyone is within his/her right's to write any history they want. Still, not sure about the above comparison - Derek and Evan had a working relationship for about 15 years! Oxley gets far more space on this than Evan. So it falls on the biography level, never mind on any wider history (so I can understand the AMM's omission here, as Incus and AMM had a mutual, but to me frosty relationship, hardly crossing each other). Obv Evan and Derek fell out, meaning Evan ws never going to agree to interview. Still, Evan's playing and improvising should've been given some kind of analysis/consideration. Circular breathing as a technique and its role in improvisation had to be discussed. I'm sure many others could've talked about Evan's work in organizing improv events.  I don't think Ben ever makes the argument as to why Evan apparently didn't play much of a role, just...leaves him out of the pages, making you doubt the whole thing.

Having said all that I found quite a bit to enjoy - especially the stuff on company week (a great, great idea). I like the connections he draws between improv and other seemingly unconnected scenes. I'll have to re-read it sometime :-)
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Ian Pace
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« Reply #65 on: 22:08:46, 10-05-2007 »

(try taking non-polemical stuff on demos! Wink )

Sure, but a newspaper article is a rather different kettle of fish. I value content over provocation.

Try being a political organiser/activist! Wink
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Ian Pace
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« Reply #66 on: 22:11:32, 10-05-2007 »

When we could sing 'You can stick your war for oil up [y? Cheesy]our a**e' in large numbers on that famed Saturday back in 2003, it somehow had more of a ring to it than if we'd read out a detailed critique of government policy en masse, don't you reckon? Wink

Well, um, since you ask, I was questioning it actually if the object was to change things but let's not go there. It'll only end in tears.   

No, that's a very good point (one that I have made to those who have made rather over-enthusiastic claims for the success of the Stop the War movement whilst overlooking one, er, rather blatant fact!). But other demonstrations (Vietnam, poll tax, etc.) have arguably had an effect.
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
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« Reply #67 on: 05:03:03, 11-05-2007 »

But other demonstrations (Vietnam, poll tax, etc.) have arguably had an effect.
Have they? Just to consider the two example you give here, one would have thought (or at least hoped) that the woeful history of the protracted Vietnamese conflict might have taught a certain country some useful lessons for the future, but Iraq would appear to prove otherwise. The "poll tax" one certainly helped towards the demise of that particular tax, but the end result was nothing more significant than forcing it to be renamed and recast (a fact of which any council taxpayer who lives where I doa will be especially cognisant). I am not suggesting that such demonstrations are always a complete waste of time, or that they should in all cases be discouraged and/or not taken seriously, but the capacity of so-called "democratic" governments to allow this kind of "freedom of speech", pretend to listen carefully and then just ride roughshod over it would be remarkable were it not so depressingly common; whenever a politician declares that he/she "will listen", I expect little more to emerge as a result than that the said politician might be entertained by what he/she might just half-hear.

Best,

Alistair
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George Garnett
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« Reply #68 on: 08:44:14, 11-05-2007 »

The "poll tax" one certainly helped towards the demise of that particular tax....

One can probably never really know of course about what causes what......but my clear impression was that what really rattled the Government at the time wasn't the riots one Saturday (which were seen by Ministers as a law'n'order issue involving 'the usual suspects'). What effected the policy change on the tax itself was much more to do with Middle England rising from its slumbers in large numbers and refusing to pay the thing. That's what really got the government worried.

As far as I know no poodles were harmed during this process.
« Last Edit: 08:48:31, 11-05-2007 by George Garnett » Logged
richard barrett
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« Reply #69 on: 01:26:06, 12-05-2007 »

If I may: the question of whether demonstrations in themselves "change things" is a bit beside the point (a bit like the question of whether music can "change things"). Something like the poll tax riot, or the 2003 antiwar demonstration, is among other things a symptom of the same response to ongoing circumstances which produced, in the first case, mass non-payment whose end result, as George says, was a change of government policy (and indeed Thatcher's resignation). One of the most important aspects of such events is the sense of commonality and confidence of purpose it engenders in those who take part (I say this having taken part in both of the aforementioned ones), the feeling that one isn't alone in rejecting what can often seem (through spin and media compliance) to be an inert consensus. I think it might also have brought a chink of light into the lives of those who suffered under apartheid in South Africa to know that, regardless of the hardly-even-tacit approval of that policy by Thatcher's government, there were many thousands of people in the UK who were prepared to take to the streets to support their cause. I don't think these things should be underestimated.
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Ian Pace
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« Reply #70 on: 02:08:18, 12-05-2007 »

If I may: the question of whether demonstrations in themselves "change things" is a bit beside the point (a bit like the question of whether music can "change things"). Something like the poll tax riot, or the 2003 antiwar demonstration, is among other things a symptom of the same response to ongoing circumstances which produced, in the first case, mass non-payment whose end result, as George says, was a change of government policy (and indeed Thatcher's resignation). One of the most important aspects of such events is the sense of commonality and confidence of purpose it engenders in those who take part (I say this having taken part in both of the aforementioned ones), the feeling that one isn't alone in rejecting what can often seem (through spin and media compliance) to be an inert consensus. I think it might also have brought a chink of light into the lives of those who suffered under apartheid in South Africa to know that, regardless of the hardly-even-tacit approval of that policy by Thatcher's government, there were many thousands of people in the UK who were prepared to take to the streets to support their cause. I don't think these things should be underestimated.

Yes - you put it much better than me. A sense of collective solidarity, as can be expressed through demonstrations, is vital to the building and consolidation of large movements that can offer alternative agendas. There are of course some cases of individuals or groups disrupting demonstrations purely for kicks, without any coherent political demands (I suppose this could be said at least of some members of Class War), though equally this can occur from police provocation as well.

Not wanting to rake up for too long something that has been discussed here before, but I'd just like to mention in this context the anti-[edit: silly party] ballerina demonstration I was involved in organising recently. Whilst it did not have the effect of removing the ballerina from her position (though we are not dropping the issue yet), it served to bring some leading members of the party out of the woodwork in such a way that revealed their true colours (when one of their minders was observed saying to the leader in London 'don't mention the Holocaust', and when he made hateful and ignorant comments about a potential mixed-race child of the ballerina and her partner (without realising they had a child)). I do believe this was valuable in dispelling certain myths of 'respectability' of the current party leadership, and the demonstration achieved something for that reason.

Whatever, some elegantly argued and intricate opinion pieces would not, I believe, produce the sorts of results described either by Richard or myself. I'd also draw people's attention to the fact that in many countries the authorities are concerned to prevent (sometimes violently, or by internment of the organisers) demonstrations occurring. If they had no effect, why would the authorities go to such lengths?

To Alistair's point: for all the problems of the council tax, it is I believe palpably different to the poll tax, the most iniquitous tax ever imposed in this country in modern times, whose precedent goes back to the 14th century and provoked the Peasant's Revolt; also a type of tax which at the time was imposed by no other country save for Papua New Guinea.
« Last Edit: 02:11:11, 12-05-2007 by Ian Pace » Logged

'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
George Garnett
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« Reply #71 on: 14:51:13, 12-05-2007 »

My point, such as it was, was about how demonstrations might be made more effective in achieving their aims, rather than questioning their value or importance. It's the tactical own goals that I was warning against, not the business itself, obviously.

I am bemused though by the suggestion that effectiveness in achieving change or reversal of decisions or whatever is largely beside the point. On those occasions when I have been on a demonstration I was certainly under the impression I was there in an attempt to change something rather than just in order to feel better for meeting up with like-minded protesters. (That's usually the charge levelled by those who like to dismiss protests, isn't it?)  It wasn't meant to be about 'me' or even 'us'; it was about trying to achieve something. (Actually I find one of the perils of going on a demonstration is coming away afterwards almost in favour of what I started out being resolutely against, but that's probably just me.)

I really do hang on to the idea though, and it had never really occurred to me that it was odd before, that the whole point of a demonstration was to try to achieve some aim, to get a decision overturned, to change a policy, prevent a war even, get someone released or whatever it is.

And that means doing your utmost to be effective; and that in turn means giving those against whom you are protesting as few excuses excuses for dismissing your activity as you can. It also means IMHO putting forward arguments to complement "Stick it your a**se". These don't have to be 'elegant and intricate' (I assume those were meant as boo-words Smiley) just good arguments. That's really all I was saying.   
« Last Edit: 19:31:37, 07-09-2007 by George Garnett » Logged
richard barrett
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« Reply #72 on: 15:00:09, 12-05-2007 »

I really do hang on to the idea though, and it had never really occurred to me that it was odd before, that the whole point of a demonstration was to try to achieve some aim, to get a decision overturned, to change a policy, prevent a war even, get someone released or whatever it is. And that means doing your utmost to be effective; and that in turn means giving those against whom you are protesting as few excuses excuses for dismissing your activity as you can.
Yes, and this has occurred in a number of cases (the demonstrations in Belgium against the government in connection with the Dutroux case, for example) - what I was trying to say was that, since the Iraq War went ahead anyway, and we all knew that it would, anyone who consequently sneers at the whole idea of demonstrating is ignoring one of the improtant aspects of such action.
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Ian Pace
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« Reply #73 on: 15:03:17, 12-05-2007 »

Sure - the demonstrations in Eastern Europe in 1989 are an even more powerful example of how effective these things can be. But sometimes demonstrations on their own are necessary but not sufficient in order to effect change: a combination of factors are at play (as with the poll tax), for which the demonstrations help to articulate and make into a more urgent public issue (not least by receiving media coverage) such as can have a knock-on effect in putting on pressure for change.
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Ian Pace
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« Reply #74 on: 15:06:29, 12-05-2007 »

It also means IMHO putting forward arguments to complement "Stick it your a**se". These don't have to be 'elegant and intricate' (I assume those were boo-words Smiley) just good arguments.

Sure - the key part of that slogan was 'war for oil' - chanting that did at least make clear that a very large number of people were not convinced by all the rhetoric and propaganda, and could see this was really a war to do with controlling oil supplies - it was important to keep stressing that point when the war was being obfuscated under pseudo-humanitarian arguments from the governments concerned.
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
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