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Author Topic: Issues of music and commodification on the cover of Weekly Worker  (Read 6326 times)
Ian Pace
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« on: 23:27:04, 27-07-2007 »

Some of you might be interested to know that a pretty intense debate on music/art and commodification has been debated in the pages of Weekly Worker recently - in a rather needlessly intemperate manner from various sides, but nonetheless intelligent. Anyhow, the latest issue of this official CPGB newspaper actually has excerpts from two Downie scores on the front cover! Never thought I'd see that - at the very least the issues at stake are being considered more widely than in the musical world. The whole issue can be downloaded at http://www.cpgb.org.uk/ - there's a particularly interesting response in the letters page.
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Bryn
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« Reply #1 on: 08:26:40, 28-07-2007 »

Hmm, Turley's "the Maoist Scratch Orchestra under Cornelius Cardew" reveals a singular ignorance of the situation. By the time the rump of the S.O. had aligned with "Maoism", it was no longer "Cardew's" in any practical sense, (even the running of the Morely College Experimental Music class was taken over by its 'students' while he was away in Berlin for a year). Perhaps Turley is thinking of the very brief period during which Wolff's Burdocks and the revised and truncated version of "The Great Learning, Paragraphs 1 & 2" were performed in London and Munich? If so, even during that period, Cardew's paternal leadership had been replaced by an organising committee with rotating membership representing the different factions in the S.O. In the period following the "Discontents" of 1972, the S.O. split into a number of very different groups, one of which, comprising the "Maoists", adopted the name "Red Flame". Cardew was in not the leading figure in that group's brief spluttering, either.

However, take out the term "Maoist", and substitute "quasi Thoreau-inspired anarchist" and Turley might be a bit nearer to grasping the ideological underpinnings of what Cardew and the Scratch Orchestra were about from its inception until the start of it's break-up following the Newcastle based tour of 1971. Wink
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richard barrett
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« Reply #2 on: 09:00:56, 28-07-2007 »

Gordon Downie says:

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I am antipathetic to free improvisation because it is inherently anti-democratic. As a creative process, it is one that is not open to verification and thus its exponents cannot be made accountable for their creative actions and decisions. It is thus a discourse that is non-transparent, and one that offers significant opportunities for deception, pretence and fakery. This is in sharp contrast to composition, especially that which utilises complex notations, where composer intent is transparent and open to more or less immediate verifiability. In addition, free improvisation is merely the aestheticisation of the failures associated with political spontaneity and decentralised, unorganised action.

I know I'm just a typically British anti-intellectual pragmatist, but this is so wrong on so many counts that one hardly knows where to start.

But why bother, actually.
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ahinton
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« Reply #3 on: 09:33:33, 28-07-2007 »

Gordon Downie says:

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I am antipathetic to free improvisation because it is inherently anti-democratic. As a creative process, it is one that is not open to verification and thus its exponents cannot be made accountable for their creative actions and decisions. It is thus a discourse that is non-transparent, and one that offers significant opportunities for deception, pretence and fakery. This is in sharp contrast to composition, especially that which utilises complex notations, where composer intent is transparent and open to more or less immediate verifiability. In addition, free improvisation is merely the aestheticisation of the failures associated with political spontaneity and decentralised, unorganised action.

I know I'm just a typically British anti-intellectual pragmatist,
God knows what that makes me, then. Anyway, I thought that you were Welsh and, as all subscribers to that ever-so-slightly different rag (to which you recently drew our attention) This England (no, I am certainly not one of them - not even for the entertainment value!) know but discreetly avoid admitting, Britain = England alone.

but this is so wrong on so many counts that one hardly knows where to start.
Wrong, perhaps - but at least it appears to be more or less consistent with much of the rest of what he writes there.

But why bother, actually.
Why indeed? I made myself read the whole thing and have also read some of his stuff along the same lines previously; whilst I do not doubt that he has thought matters out thoroughly before committing himself to paper, the fundamental flaw in most of the thinking seem to me to arise from the fact that it is a "construct" - meaning in this context contrived for the purpose of expressing something rather than being a vital expression in itself. I am wholly in agreement in principle with the "commodification" issue, undoubtedly, but to use it as a stick wherewith to beat those outside such attitudes and practices seems to me to be well less than useful.

I realise that I've already written too much on this, so I'll shut up and leave it to those who can discuss it better than I.

Best,

Alistair
« Last Edit: 09:53:20, 28-07-2007 by ahinton » Logged
Ian Pace
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« Reply #4 on: 10:40:34, 28-07-2007 »

Gordon Downie says:

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I am antipathetic to free improvisation because it is inherently anti-democratic. As a creative process, it is one that is not open to verification and thus its exponents cannot be made accountable for their creative actions and decisions. It is thus a discourse that is non-transparent, and one that offers significant opportunities for deception, pretence and fakery. This is in sharp contrast to composition, especially that which utilises complex notations, where composer intent is transparent and open to more or less immediate verifiability. In addition, free improvisation is merely the aestheticisation of the failures associated with political spontaneity and decentralised, unorganised action.

I know I'm just a typically British anti-intellectual pragmatist, but this is so wrong on so many counts that one hardly knows where to start.

But why bother, actually.
Well, I feel that if it (and all the other articles that led up to it) is felt to be worth reading by those who buy Weekly Worker (one can't gauge what all readers think, but the fact that it's generated so much debate has made the editor want to stick with it - and incidentally he would probably be interested in printing any contributions that members here might send in), then it's worth discussing. I feel that claims for either free improvisation/composition's intrinsically more 'democratic' nature are both off the mark, both rely simply upon metaphorical interpretations of situations which are wholly of an artificial nature. Issues of democracy and music are about the latter's relationship to undemocratically accountable capital, or about whether the decisions of institutions to give certain individuals (composers, performers, improvisers, whoever) a platform for individual expression favour certain groups of people more than others, on account of class, gender, etc, or about whether the whole process of musical production reflects the democratically expressed wishes of the populace. The rest is a sideshow, what I'd call 'superstructural fetishism', making too much of culture divorced from its means of production.
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Ian Pace
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« Reply #5 on: 11:01:35, 28-07-2007 »

Within that article, there is the following:

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If, having had access to such means [the most advanced and sophisticated means of cultural production], Mike Pearn's "young workers" still prefer to confine themselves to chords I, IV and V, then so be it: at least this would constitute an informed choice. However, I do not believe that such choices are made, because such workers are rarely, if ever, offered them. Thus it is not the cultural forms for which I have "contempt", as Pearn claims, but the socio-economic system that ensures that they constitute the dominant or sole aesthetic experience of the working class.

Would some members here not at least endorse that statement in its essentials? It seems a far stronger argument than the usual 'workerist' ideas about how only a highly simplified musical language can satisfy the aspirations of the working classes.

(earlier articles and letters can all be viewed for free at the site or by Googling 'Weekly Worker' and any of the names in question. This particular debate was initiated by someone's article on The Clash)
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
Chafing Dish
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« Reply #6 on: 11:55:59, 28-07-2007 »

Thank you for posting this. Interesting stuff, especially given the intended audience.

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Pierre Boulez’s Structure 1a for piano (1952) and Karlheinz Stockhausen’s Klavierstücke I (1954), two early examples of total serial organisation, were frequently attacked by bourgeois music academics and polemicists as not total, but totalitarian: Bolus is thus in good company. This was a clumsy cold war-inspired attempt to characterise an aesthetic programme as undemocratic in order to downgrade its negatory significance within the sphere of capitalist commodity exchange. By reciting this charge again Bolus is merely regurgitating a critical perspective that even a first-year music undergraduate would be embarrassed to utter.
Bolus is a straw man, and the actual 'problem' of total serial organization as some guarantor of political opprobrium remains a legitimate concern. The discussion Downie brings up has also been addressed by Mathias Spahlinger in the German MusikTexte, under the title "politische aspekte der musik" (MusikTexte 39) -- a talk that is now almost 20 years old.

He outlines four political aspects of music, and argues that the four cannot all be satisfactorily addressed in a single work. Unfortunately, the journal is not online, so all I can do is summarize.

The upshot of Spahlinger's position relevant to the present context, as a constructed response to Downie, is that while music with a sophisticated content, such as the Boulez/Stockhausen examples cited, may be politically correct in the manner that it resists commodification, it raises other political issues by perpetuating the power structure which decides who is to be the creator, who the intermediary, and who the recipient, of a work of art. Improvisation has the potential to do break this down, perhaps; yet something about the nature of improvisation invites habitual and habituated musical responses, so that the content suffers.

On both accounts, there have been efforts to address the deficiencies. On the one hand, the newest notated music has gone a long way toward reflecting self-skepticism, hopefully encouraging a listening experience that invites the same; on the other hand, improvisation schemes can be and have been designed to circumvent habit, though there is still a huge amount of possibility here.

People ought to go on making whatever music they feel most strongly about, but the reconciliation of all political problems associated with making music in society cannot be achieved unless the society itself changes from the ground up. Musicians can see themselves as a catalyst and accept that the shortcomings are not of their own making.

Sorry to be so condensed about it, a lot has to be fleshed out here, but this is just to say that the conversation has been going on for decades now, and I think Downie is coming into it with a distinctly un-dialectical bent. In fairness to him, I haven't done the Google thingy that Ian just suggested, so perhaps there is more to be unearthed.
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Ian Pace
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« Reply #7 on: 12:03:02, 28-07-2007 »

Many thanks for all that, CD, it's extremely interesting. The view you attribute to Spahlinger that:

but the reconciliation of all political problems associated with making music in society cannot be achieved unless the society itself changes from the ground up.
is one with which I'm in total agreement. The question that provokes such a wide range of different responses is how artists are to respond in the face of all these political problems which directly affect the very field they are in? Not easy to find an 'answer', but attempts to grapple with the very questions are fruitful, I believe.

In terms of the recent bout of articles at WW, here are a handful of links:

http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/676/strummer.htm
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/678/letters.htm
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/679/letters.htm
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/680/letters.htm
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/681/letters.htm
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/worker/682/letters.htm
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
richard barrett
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« Reply #8 on: 12:25:44, 28-07-2007 »

music with a sophisticated content, such as the Boulez/Stockhausen examples cited, may be politically correct in the manner that it resists commodification
Of course, the music which resists commodification most strongly is improvised music, in so far as there isn't a score to fetishise in the way that Downie seems to do, or (theoretically) a social/economic hierarchy between the people responsible for its production, or, arguably, between performers and audience, so that it comes across strongly as a fundamentally, er, democratic kind of music, as has been pointed out many times.

Oops, I said I couldn't be bothered. My response was really occasioned by Spahlinger's claim that improvisation "invites habitual and habituated responses"... while notated composition doesn't? While I'm prepared to accept that Spahlinger is concerned with avoiding such responses, this is because of his political/artistic conscience and not because he writes notes on paper. Put say Derek Bailey's musical output next to Salvatore Sciarrino's and see which looks more habituated!
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Chafing Dish
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« Reply #9 on: 12:39:18, 28-07-2007 »

Downie's letter in #678 is, in my opinion, full-on nonsense, and I wouldn't have followed the remainder of the text if that had been the first thing I came across.

Another political aspect of music is its extramusical message. Pop music foregrounds that message at the expense of all the other political aspects. Since, however, the most casual listener is more interested in words than in the inner workings of music, then political messages conveyed by pop music have, on the whole, been more 'persuasive' than any other. We should respect the fact that millions of young people have come to political consciousness by listening to such supposedly progressive bands as Rage against the Machine.

So should we all be making pop music? A latter-day Zhdanov might think so. But such a proscription is wrong on every level. Perhaps I don't need to say why here, but at least I'll say the proscription itself is politically impossible, and the job of raising our consciousness of political conditions cannot be left exclusively to lyrics. If the music serves the lyrics, then the music is by definition commodified. To paraphrase Spahlinger again, those who understand music only politically, don't understand anything about music, but they don't understand anything about politics, either.

Richard -- I agree, to an extent. The fetish object in improvisation has not been removed, however; rather, improv itself becomes the object to be fetishized. "I am free of the fetters of the score, therefore by defintion, I am making progress." Derek Bailey circumvented this to some degree, but only by rigorously developing an improvisational vocabulary that included some fascinating deconstructions of playing technique -- infusing his best creations with the very skepticism I alluded to earlier. I am not sure of Sciarrino's politics, but I think his musical purposes are not burningly political. Good for him, I guess.

My purpose is NOT to play improvisation and composition off against one another, just to point out that each is approaching political issues from a different direction, each valorizes a different set of priorities, and their irreconcileability is why there's a fire in the hearth in the first place. That is dialectics.

I wish I could spend more time on this, but right now, that would be suicide. I have packing to do, what the HELL is wrong with my brain?!
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richard barrett
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« Reply #10 on: 12:59:43, 28-07-2007 »

My purpose is NOT to play improvisation and composition off against one another
Indeed. But Downie and Spahlinger in their various ways seem to be; all I wanted to say was that the old chestnut about improvisation being more prone to habituation than notated composition doesn't really stand up against the evidence.

For myself, though, I don't think that improvisation needs to become a fetish if viewed as a method of composition alongside others (more than one of which might be appropriate to a given musical situation). While "pure" improvisation is certainly something I'm interested in and committed to, as well as a fully-notated approach, these are so to speak points within a larger space.

Try and stay away from suicide, it's very unhealthy.
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Chafing Dish
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« Reply #11 on: 13:07:55, 28-07-2007 »

Suicide in the metaphorical sense, and I mean Spahlinger does not play improv and composition off against each other. That impression came from my act of condensing.

Anyway, I think you and Spahlinger should have a long chat someday. If only there wasn't a language barrier. Each could really benefit from the other's thoughts.

Bye for today!
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oliver sudden
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« Reply #12 on: 13:10:28, 28-07-2007 »

If only there wasn't a language barrier.

Er, is there?
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richard barrett
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« Reply #13 on: 13:50:22, 28-07-2007 »

Anyway, I think you and Spahlinger should have a long chat someday.

I've often thought that myself. We've never even met though. As for the language barrier, I can usually clamber over that particular one, though not without getting a bit crumpled.
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Ian Pace
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« Reply #14 on: 15:30:40, 28-07-2007 »

music with a sophisticated content, such as the Boulez/Stockhausen examples cited, may be politically correct in the manner that it resists commodification
Of course, the music which resists commodification most strongly is improvised music, in so far as there isn't a score to fetishise in the way that Downie seems to do,
No, but there are CDs (or vinyls in earlier times) which are an extremely important part of the whole field of improvised music (and jazz and other popular genres as well). Some woudl argue that the recording comes to fulfil a role akin to the score in terms of commodification. Certainly recordings are much bigger business than contemporary scores.

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or (theoretically) a social/economic hierarchy between the people responsible for its production,
That argument only works in theory if such a category is limited to the actual musicians. But the organisers, sponsors, funders, record companies, are also intrinsic to the production, in the sense of making it possible in a public arena.

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or, arguably, between performers and audience, so that it comes across strongly as a fundamentally, er, democratic kind of music, as has been pointed out many times.
Well, that dictum has been asserted often by many in the improvising world, but I find it as unconvincing as Gordon's a priori valorisation of the notated against the improvised. Where Spahlinger's comments seem particularly interesting is through his willingness to look at both positive and negative elements that are particular to either approach. So that improvisation maybe has some advantages over notated music, but also some disadvantages, with respect to commodification. When the latter part of such a dialectic is extracted out of context, then we return to a 'notation better/improvisation worse'/vice-versa type of argument. Also, theoretical arguments concerning commodification need to be considered in the light of which genres (or particular manifestations therein) can be found to attract greater degrees of private capital.

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My response was really occasioned by Spahlinger's claim that improvisation "invites habitual and habituated responses"... while notated composition doesn't?
He may not be claiming the latter, necessarily. But it could be argued that a notated score specifically serves the function of steering the performer away from such responses - certainly Ferneyhough's conception of notation seems of this type.

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While I'm prepared to accept that Spahlinger is concerned with avoiding such responses, this is because of his political/artistic conscience and not because he writes notes on paper.
I believe that is a false dichotomy - neither of those things would per se guarantee such an avoidance; a composer can have a political/artistic conscience, but how that is made manifest in their work is what really counts in such a sense, whereas precisely how a composer approaches notation can have an effect on the extent to which habitual/habituated responses are likely.

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Put say Derek Bailey's musical output next to Salvatore Sciarrino's and see which looks more habituated!
Two particular examples can't on their own be used to extrapolate a generalised conclusion about genres. One could equally compare Evan Parker with Spahlinger, or with Downie for that matter, and the relative degrees of habitutation might be seen differently.

To paraphrase Spahlinger again, those who understand music only politically, don't understand anything about music, but they don't understand anything about politics, either.
That statement requires a definition of Spahlinger's conception of what is 'political'. If with a capital 'P' (in the sense that 'Political Music' is often talked about), then I'm with him, but artistic autonomy, to do with immanent properties of the medium, in the late Frankfurt School sense of the term (and which accord with other ideas of 'relative autonomy', including those in the late letters of Engels I posted links to in another thread recently), as I imagine Spahlinger to be referring to, might be considered equally 'political' (as Eagleton puts it 'Aesthetic autonomy becomes a type of negative politics'). Could you clarify where Spahlinger draws the line between a 'political' and a 'non-political' understanding of music?

(I would also add that the constructions of the 'political' that are common in that sort of late Adornoesque tradition (I'm not equating Spahlinger, or Huber or others, with Adorno, but certainly what I know of his ideas resonate with that tradition) do tend to evade political questions of gender, ethnicity, etc., in terms of the very identity of the artistic protagonists who are purporting to produce work of more universal significance)

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The fetish object in improvisation has not been removed, however; rather, improv itself becomes the object to be fetishized. "I am free of the fetters of the score, therefore by definition, I am making progress." Derek Bailey circumvented this to some degree, but only by rigorously developing an improvisational vocabulary that included some fascinating deconstructions of playing technique -- infusing his best creations with the very skepticism I alluded to earlier.
I've seen a similar thing argued (in an article by Philip Clark) concerning points of similarity in the approach to instruments in Charlie Mingus and Lachenmann; Bailey would seem to go further than Mingus. However, as we have seen in the classical world (where scores of young composers churn out works using all of the stock extended instrumental techniques developed by Lachenmann and others), can't/couldn't Bailey's innovations equally be commodified? That's not a merely rhetorical question - that which has some wider meaning or structural function than mere novelty is perhaps less easily commodified (and that's why the superficial cod-Lachenmann work of young composers is utterly different to that of Lachenmann himself - for him the contextualisation is every bit as important as the sounds themselves); if this is the case in Derek Bailey (whose work I know to an extent but have never really analysed for myself), then mightn't the improvisational grammar be more important than the vocabulary?
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'These acts of keeping politics out of music, however, do not prevent musicology from being a political act . . .they assure that every apolitical act assumes a greater political immediacy' - Philip Bohlman, 'Musicology as a Political Act'
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